Enugu 2015: Sullivan, Ekweremmadu and Zoninig

By Henry, Ugwu

Politics is in the air, ahead of the 2015 general elections, politicians are returning, mending up their broken fences and fixing up good structure to perfect their plans to win 2015 election. Many governors want to go to the Senate. Many Senators and House of Representatives members want to become governors. Even with the next governorship election still about nineteen months away, the picture of what to expect is getting clearer by the day. Different political gladiators are already plotting strategies on how to produce the next occupants of the various state government houses and members of the Red and Green chambers.

We are about to get into the season of endorsement of aspirants for the governorship and thes Senate. Party supporters, cronies, and loyalists are part of the game being hatched to intimidate political opponents and convey real or imagined impression of political superiority. In some cases, crowds are rented to sing praises of the contenders. Traditional rulers, community leaders, women and youth groups, and in fact clerics are also motivated to lend support. Across the six geo-political zones, the story is almost the same.

In Enugu state, geopolitical tensions are developing following a recent pronouncement by Governor Sullivan Chime that his successor would come from Nsukka Cultural zone.

With this, the Nsukka zone is beginning to revisit the question of their unfinished tenure that had been abridged by the military ambush. The people feel one of their own should be the next governor of the state for the sake of equity, justice and fair play. They hinge their demand on several grounds.

Apart from the fact that Enugu North is the only zone that is yet to hold the governorship position for at least four years, the zone also claims that it has over forty per cent of the state’s voting population, going by the last national census figures. They have equally noted that Nsukka zone is the only area among the present three zones that has remained intact since the old Anambra State. The two others (Enugu-West, Enugu-East), which used to accommodate parts of Ebonyi State, have been split into four zones, with two of the zones located in the present Enugu and Ebonyi states.

Before Enugu was created out of the old Anambra State, there was Nsukka zone, while the present-day Enugu East and West Senatorial zones were just a single zone. But today, that one zone has been split into two zones and each of them has produced a governor that stayed for eight years each. Of course, Chime would have served for eight years by 2015.

Since the creation of the state in 1991, Enugu State has had eight governors. Of this number, five, namely, Herbert Eze, Temi Ejoor, Mike Torey, Sule Ahman, and Adewunmi Agbaje, were military administrators. The remaining three – Dr Okwesilieze Nwodo, Chimaroke Nnamani, and, currently, Sullivan Chime, were democratically elected. The questions on the lips of most political-conscious people in Enugu are: Could Sulivan’s pronouncements explain why the Senate President, David Mark, refers to Senator Ayogu Eze, who hails from Nsukka cultural zone as the ‘Enugu Government House?’ What if Senator Ayogu Eze indicates interest to run? Will he knock horns with his colleague in the chamber? Who does the zoning favour most? What is the fate of Senator Ike Ekweremadu whose ambition is close to manifest?

Besides having three senatorial zones, like all other states in the country, Enugu State has eight House of Representatives’ seats, twenty-four seats in the State House of Assembly, and 17 local government areas. Politicians from the various zones usually try to outwit one another each time there is an election. They come out prepared and like we all know, a winner from a particular zone must emerge. Enugu North Senatorial district, dominated by the people of Nsukka Cultural zone, produced the first civilian governor of the state, Dr. Okwesilieze Nwodo, in 1992. Though, Nwodo did not serve out his four-year term following the truncation of that process in 1993, when the June 12 presidential election that the late Moshood Abiola was said to have won was annulled by then military Head of State, Ibrahim Babangida. Enugu-East zone, dominated by Nkanu people, produced the second elected governor in 1999, in the person of Chimaroke Nnamani, when the country returned to civil rule. In 2007, the position moved to the third leg of the tripod, Enugu-West zone, with Chime emerging governor in what appeared like a rotational arrangement, even though, nobody has been able to produce a document wherein such arrangement was reached.

 With this one can now wonder whether the gubernatorial position is being zoned by an almighty hand. We know that periodic elections are the primary gains of democratic political stability. The exercise creates opportunities for choice and change of leadership at the federal and state levels, local governments not excluded. Usually, the electoral process is a nightmare because of the struggle for few elective positions by many aspirants. The number of aspirants is inversely proportional to the number of the vacant slots, not minding their zones. For governorship and federal parliamentary elections, the battle is fierce. Even in the United States of America (USA), which sets the pace for the practice of the presidential system, the practice is that governors and senators would want to become the President. In terms of hierarchy, the senator is on a higher pedestal than the governor. The reverse seems to be the case in Enugu state. Many factors could responsible. The now political culture of zoning, god-fatherism, disagreement between the different zones and the ‘favoured child issue.’ But in all these factors, which of them is backed by the constitution? Is it the zoning? Or the usual return of served senators to be governors and governors becoming senators? Before now and up till now governors are party leaders in their respective states, they control the party structures. In fact, they personalize power and use their enormous financial muscles to a maximum advantage by dictating who gets what, where and how during elections. Since 2003, except in few instances, no governor, federal and state parliamentarian, minister and council chairman has emerged without the input and endorsement of the governor. In 2007, the population of former governors in the Upper Chamber of the National Assembly was four. They are Senator Ahmed Yerima (Zamfara State), Senator Saminu Turaki (Jigawa), Senator Ken Nnamani (Enugu), and Senator Ahmed Adamu (Sasarawa) In 2011, it rose to eleven when former Governors Adamu Aliero (Kebbi), Bukola Saraki (Kwara), Ali Modu Sherif (Bornu), George Akume (Benue), Bukar Abba Ibrahim (Yobe) and Joshua Dariye (Plateau), were elected senators. In 2015, it may rise to twenty-five. Who knows?

In the Second Republic, two senators, Cornelius Adebayo (Kwara) and Don. Etiebet (Cross Rivers), blazed the trail, when they became governors in 1983. In 1999, Senator Bola Tinubu became Lagos State governor. In 2003, Senator Rashidi Ladoja became the governor of Oyo State. Now, Senators Abiola Ajimobi (Oyo), Ibikunle Amosun (Ogun), and Liyel Imoke (Cross River) are governors.

One may be tempted to say that since the people of Nsukka zone, with their 40% population, had continued to contest for the position even during the period other zones clinched it; everybody should be allowed to join the fray and let the best candidate emerge. But when contestants are not on the platform of the ruling party, what then is their fate? Even though 2015 elections are nineteen months away, Nsukka, at the moment, has seen plenty of political gladiators nursing the ambition of succeeding Chime. They include Senator Ayogu Eze, who represents Enugu North in the Senate; Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Mr. Eugene Odoh; Hon. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, representing Igboeze-North/Udenu Federal Constituency; former deputy governor of the state, Mr. Okechukwu Itanyi; Barrister Okey Ezea, who had contested for the position twice; a one-time contestant, Dr. Dan Shere, Mr. Emeka Mammah of the Ifesinachi dynasty; Managing Director of Peace Mass Transit, Dr. Sam Maduka Onyeishi; Mr. Ikeje Asogwa of the state Housing Corporation; the Commissioner for Local Government Affairs, Mr. Okey Ani; Commissioner for Information Chuks Ugwoke; and chairman of the PDP in the state, Chief Vita Abba. All the named persons are said to be making frantic efforts to realise their ambitions. If all the above elephants share the votes of the zone, Will Chime’s endorsed candidate win in a free and fair election?

Even with the entire firm zoning proposal by the sitting governor and the threat posed by Nsukka cultural zone as being 40% of the population, it seems the Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu is not deterred. In fact Less than one week after the governor’s open pronouncement, the deputy senate president not only dismissed the purported zoning arrangement but urged everybody interested in the governorship of the state, irrespective of their zones, to feel free to contest the election.

He was, however, quick to note that he had no governorship ambition in 2015. Ekweremadu made it clear that there had not been any zoning arrangement to produce a governor for the state. He said there had never been any restriction to whoever had the ambition to govern the state.

According to him, “There is no zoning in Enugu. I am not aware and nobody is aware. I have been in politics in Enugu since the beginning of this particular dispensation. People from every part of the state have vied but somehow somebody would win. So, I am sure that our brothers from Nsukka understand that clearly.
“I stand to be challenged; I want anybody to tell me a document or a meeting where the governorship of Enugu has been zoned since 1999.”

Ekweremadu, however, ruled himself out of the race, saying he would be glad if a candidate from the northern senatorial district in the state got the slot but not on the basis of zoning.
“Probably, they are the only zone that has not produced a governor of the state in this dispensation. But like I said, it has nothing to do with zoning. There is nothing like zoning in Enugu as at today. Until zoning is done, I don’t think anybody who wants to run from other parts of the state can be stopped. But for me, I am not running for governorship,” he said

With the latest position of the PDP caucus, there is, certainly, going to be increased activities in the political arena in the state. Tension is already building, as there are indications that some high-profiled politicians who do not seem to be comfortable with the zoning of the governorship to Nsukka are trying to unite under the emerging All Progressives Congress to try to wrestle power from the PDP. Could that be thes reason why Sam Maduka Onyishi (Peace) decamped to APC? The drama is still unfolding and only time will tell…

What Next After Confab?

By Henry, Ugwu

The amalgamation of southern and northern protectorate brought together 646 languages and over 370 tribes into the entity called Nigeria. Many are of the opinion that the amalgamation of the two protectorates with diverse socio-cultural, political and economic setting is wrong and have therefore hindered the growth and development of the country. This group believes that the process was arbitrary as the consent of the two parties was not intimated before the amalgamation and therefore cannot work in common unity as a country. Could this be the reason why there have been political, economic and social instability in Nigeria? Why would an average Igbo man advise his relations not to invest in the north? Why do people avoid inter-tribal marriage?

To some groups, the national confab is programmed by Goodluck Jonathan to project his re-election bid ambition.

Recently, the federal government released modalities for selection of the 492 delegates for the proposed national conference, with nomination from all walks of life –from the presidency to the local government councils, religious bodies to civil societies, active to inactive workforce, political parties to people with disabilities, the media to political office holders, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and even Nigerians in the diaspora are left out...the list goes on. However, issues bordering on the indivisibility and indissolubility of Nigeria are no-go areas.

The question on the lips of many Nigerian citizens is if there are no-go areas then why Confab? If to divide is the only lasting solution after the confab, what do we do? How are we sure that all interest are adequately represented and the resolution of the will be implemented and not thrown into the shelf like others?

It is one thing to organise and discuss the problem of Nigeria and suggest ways of solving it  and  another thing to give ear to the plights of average Nigerians whose roads are in pitiable conditions, poor medical facilities, education system where teachers and lecturers embark on incessant strikes, constant harassment from law enforcement agencies, poor power supply,  pump price  of kerosene (never mind the ‘official’ price of 50 naira per litre), inadequate implementation of minimum the wage.

Special mention to the unresolved assassinations of Bola Ige,Funsho Williams,Dele Giwa, Marshall Harry and others. The recent Jungle justice carried out on Aluu 4, savage killing of Mubi 30, massarces in Borno where over 100 people died between 14th and 20th of February 2014...It is said justice might grind slowly but it grinds. In Nigeria justice is for the rich and the government of the day.

A major constraint of our development is misappropriation of public funds. The budget for this conference will either be inflated (as usual) or end up in the pockets of a few (after all we are still searching for the billions missing from NNPC). To save ourselves the psychological trauma of listening or watching the argument and counter arguments, it would be better to use the Money to clean the rivers in the Niger-delta, repair the Benin-ore road, increase the capacity of our power sector to stabilize power supply, rehabilitate Kanji dam, the list is endless.

Since the early days of democracy in Nigeria in 1960 though stalled by the subsequent military incursion and came back into lime light in 1999, issues of perceived segregation of minority has continued to wag and could be traced to the increased corruption in high places and low places and even middle places, inadequate elections and results, fight for resource control and the struggle for the political life of our nation have always been on the front burner. Let us not forget that these issues have been even before independence and therefore cannot be resolved in just 14years of democracy but giant strides should have been taken now to begin the process of rebuilding our national life through this national confab.

National Conference will seek to strategize and bring forth a detailed plan (both short and long term) on how to begin with baby steps the journey of recovering from the pitiable state we have found ourselves. The Confab should not to carry out propagandas and vendettas against regions, political parties, personalities, for past, present and probably future sins. As we prepare to dialogue, we should all put the interest of Nigeria at heart, not make noise nor throw banters against one another.

This way the National Conference would be the best thing for Nigeria and just like the United States of America, Nigeria could become the United Tribes of Nigeria (UTN) after the Confab to strengthen the unity of Nigeria and put to shame all the break up intercessors.  Can also turn out to be another jamboree, where after all said and done we go home and set up yet another committee to further discuss the findings of the conference.

 Nigeria is too late to divide; can the north do without the south? Can the west do without the east? Can the six geo-political functions independently if Nigeria divides after the confab? We should expect that the confab will ensure unity among the zones of south west, south east, south south, north-east, north-west, north-central since all the issues that proves to tear Nigeria apart is be dialogued to make Nigeria one family in a sovereign state that is strong with a lot of natural resources. We are one and we will forever remain one.